[2015. 7 Whasun Jho] Political Dynamics of Revising the Internet-related Election Law. Korean Party Study Review, 14(2), 141-166
Authors Whasun Jho and Yeonu Son
Abstract This paper explores how socio-political changes through technological development have permeated institutions. The analysis of the changes to the Public Official Election Act in Korea presents the contextual political dynamics around the development of information technology. The main question of this research deals with the finding of the mechanism in the incremental institutional change focusing on the interaction of ‘the characteristics of the targeted institution’ and ‘the characteristics of the political context.’ Due to the clash between election campaigns on the Internet and the restrictions of the law against online campaigns, bills that permit the use of the Internet regardless of the campaign period were passed in the form of institutional layering in 2012. Freedom regarding election campaigns on the Internet to embrace socio-political changes was imposed on top of existing restrictive campaign laws to support the status quo. This paper asserts that low level of discretion in interpretation and enforcement of the
law itself and strong veto possibilities among major political actors lead to the compromise of “layering” type of institutional change.
[2015. 7 Wonjae Lee] Primary Status, Complementary Status, and Organizational Survival in the U.S. Venture Capital Industry. Social Science Research, 52: 588–601
Authors Matthew S. Bothner a, Young-Kyu Kim and Wonjae Lee
Abstract We introduce a distinction between two kinds of status and examine their effects on the exit rates of organizations investing in the U.S. venture capital industry. Extending past work on status-based competition, we start with a simple baseline: we describe primary status as a network-related signal of an organization’s quality in a leadership role, that is, as a function of the degree to which an organization leads others that are themselves well regarded as lead organizations in the context of investment syndicates. Combining Harary’s (1959) image of the elite consultant with Goffman’s (1956) concept of ‘‘capacity-esteem,’’ we then discuss complementary status as an affiliation-based signal of an organization’s quality in a supporting role. We measure complementary status as a func-
tion of the extent to which an organization is invited into syndicates by well-regarded lead organizations—that is, by those possessing high levels of primary status. Findings show that, conditioning on primary status, complementary status reduces the rate at which venture capital organizations exit the industry. Consistent with the premise that these kinds of status correspond to different roles and market identities, we also find that complementary status attenuates (and ultimately reverses) the otherwise favorable effect of primary status on an organization’s life chances. heoretically and methodologically oriented scope conditions, as well as implications for future research, are discussed.
[2015. 6 Whasun Jho] Big Data Policy and New Technology Governance in South Korea. Public policy review, 29(2): 1-21
Authors Whasun Jho and Eunil Cho
Abstract The possibility of new forms of values with big data reveals controversial issues on its policy-making and implications. Conflict and disagreement between state and market actors disassociates the use of big data from offering a new paradigm of the technological society. This article, employing agent-network theory, explores a framework to explain development of big data governance. ANT investigates alliances and networks human and non-human actors build up, examining the process of converging or expanding various actors’ interests. This article addresses emerging issues related to big data and its governance, and draw implications for developing a new technology governance in Korea.
[2015. 6 Whasun Jho] Big Data Analysis on Media Partisanship and Reunification Discourse in South Korean Society. Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science, 47(4): 315-334
Authors Yul Min Park and Whasun Jho
Abstract A mong a myriad of political issues raised in South Korea, the debate on South Korea’s policy toward North Korea or on reunification brings about sharp conflicts. This research analyzes how the discourse up on Korea reunification in South Korea is formulated in media, especially in new spapers. We gathered news articles regarding reunification issues from the Hankyoreh and Kyunghyang Shinmun, referred to as ideologically liberal, as well as ChosunIlbo and Dong-a Ilbo, conservative, using Web Crawling to find out how the reunification discourse is formed according to the media’s either liberal or conservative perspectives. By collecting news articles from the 4 published n ewspapers which include either ‘reunification’ and ‘South-North ’ or ‘reunification’ and ‘North Korea,’ and with the practice of Topic Modeling and network analy sis, we analyzed selected topics and correlations between words that constitute each topic. This article identifies that different types of discourse, specifically different topics, are opted out depending on new spapers with the opposite ideologies. It also points out a disparity in the storyline even under the same topic, following the media’s dominant ideology.
[2015. 6 Keun-Young Park] An Exploratory Study of the Influence of Cultural Capital on the Political Information Acquisition. Informatization Policy, 22(2): 57-74
Authors Keun-Young Park
Abstract This research has been performed in order to investigate the probability that cultural factors in everyday life affect individuals’political behaviors. Using the data collected from 2014 Seoul mayoral election, it analyzes how the degree to which individuals have various cultural capital influences their types of political information acquisition through media. The outcomes suggest following three. First, the more cultural capital individuals have, the more active they are in obtaining political information using diverse media. Second, those who mark high score in the self-cognitive area of cultural capital, such as cultural preferences and cultural tastes, tend to gather political information throughout formal news-oriented media such as on-line news, TV, and newspapers. Third, when types of media are classified into old and new, those who have a variety of cultural capital are likely to prefer new media as their major source of political information acquisition.
[2015. 6 Yong-Hak Kim] Shock Waves of Political Risk on the Stock Market: The Case of Korean Companies in the U.S.. DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIETY, 44(1): 143-165
Authors Yunjung Pak, Young-jin Kim, Min Song and Yong-Hak Kim
Abstract We introduce a method to examine the effects of the U.S. news sentiments on Korean firms listed on the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) when North Korea causes geopolitical risks to the South Korean economy. Stock prices are evaluated by market factors and return to their fundamental values in the long term. Nevertheless, external shocks such as geo-political and international risks often cause stock volatility. Using a semi-supervised machine learning approach, we classify negative and positive news from five major newspapers in the U.S. to scrutinize the degree of North Korean risk and its influence on the stock prices of Korean firms listed on the NYSE. We find that news related to North Korea have an impact on the stock volatility in the U.S. and Korea. We could detect the direct impact of political risk posed by North Korea on the NYSE, but it was weaker than their indirect effects through the Korean stock Market.
[2015. 6 Wonjae Lee] Structural Differentiation of Korean Communities. Korean Journal of Social Issues, 27(1): 47-90
Authors Wonjae Lee
Abstract While the structural analysis of community has relatively less developed in Korean sociology, it is also true that quite a few Korean structuralists have called for analyses of small groups and comminities. In this paper, I review the theoretical discussions in Korean sociology where theoretical and methodological interests in community analysis were pronounced. Using a statistical analysis of multiple network data of small groups, I suggest a rearch program of community and a future dirction of Korean sociology.
[2015. 5 Dhavan V. Shah] The Power of Television Images in a Social Media Age: Linking Biobehavioral and Computational Approaches via the Second Screen. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 659(1): 225-245
Authors Dhavan V. Shah, Alex Hanna, Erik P. Bucy, Chris Wells, and Vidal Quevedo
Abstract There is considerable controversy surrounding the study of presidential debates, particularly efforts to connect their content and impact. Research has long debated whether the citizenry reacts to what candidates say, how they say it, or simply how they appear. This study uses detailed coding of the first 2012 debate between Barack Obama and Mitt Romney to test the relative influence of the candidates’ verbal persuasiveness and nonverbal features on viewers’ “second screen” behavior—their use of computers, tablets, and mobile phones to enhance or extend the televised viewing experience. To examine these relationships, we merged two datasets: (1) a shot-by-shot content analysis coded for functional, tonal, and visual elements of both candidates’ communication behavior during the debate; and (2) corresponding real-time measures, synched and lagged, of the volume and sentiment of Twitter expres-
sion about Obama and Romney. We find the candidates’ facial expressions and physical gestures to be more consistent and robust predictors of the volume and valence of Twitter expression than candidates’ persuasive strategies, verbal utterances, and voice tone during the debate.
[2015. 5 Beomsoo Kim] The Significance and the Limits of Massive Open Primary at Information Era and the Potentiality of Political Development. Korean Journal of Social Theory, 47: 157-193
Authors Beomsoo Kim and Sang-seok Moon
Abstract Social change by information technology played a role in developing political system change by helping institutionalization of citizens’ massive participation in political nomination for elections. Two political factors played a role in institutionalizing open primary system in Korea: power struggle and competition inside political parties between factions after formal democratization in Korea in 1987; demands from below for citizens’ participation in political decision-making process and nomination. The emergence of the internet era was a social factor. But power-holders in parties and political factions have had a tendency to utilize internet as a means for political interest pursuit. Internet has a potentiality as a political medium which can provide political information for bilateral communication between political agencies and citizens, can provide easy, inexpensive, convenient massive discussion possibility for citizens and politicians. Therefore, internet can be used as a means of manipulation, management for politicians and power-holder or active participation for citizens. Internet has became an important political means for development of democracy in Korea. However, the positive functions of internet depends upon agents in political sphere. Since 1987, many power-holders in political sphere have utilized political parties by their own will. Sometimes they established a political party, soon destroyed and made another party, even though democratization has grown one by one. Party system’s development has been relatively very slow. The gap between democratization at society and underdeveloped political system and party system brought political trust crisis, which led to political party system crisis, to party and party system. Internet as a political means can provide good social conditions for political parties and politicians by expanding bilateral communication of political parties with citizens. Internet can contribute to political party trust restoration. Internet finally can be a competent medium of political development.
[2015. 5 Jeong-han Kang] Sources of Bias in Online Survey and Their Corrections: A Case of 2014 City-Mayor Election in Seoul. Survey research, 16(2): 117-154
Authors Jeong-jae Lim and Jeong-han Kang
Abstract This study investigates the characteristics of cross-sectional and longitudinal biases from online panel survey for election polls and tries correcting these biases. It particularly focuses on possible bias toward liberal candidates in online survey. For empirical analysis, we conducted a panel survey of 5 waves for 2014 City-Mayor Election in Seoul during 4 months, using a pool of online respondents in a survey company. We also conducted a 1-time telephone survey by the same survey company to compare with online panel. In both surveys, we ask respondents’ choice in 2012 Presidential Election in order to examine and correct for ideological bias. Analysis revealed that our online respondents did not show bias in the last presidential election, which was also largely robust against panel attritions throughout 5 waves. We, however, observed bias toward a liberal candidate in a mayor election, particularly for the group of 60s and older. The bias was moderately corrected by weights on age and gender, but remained notably. At the same time, bias in online survey was lesser than that of telephone survey, except for respondents in their 60s and older. The poor contacts and cooperations of older people in online survey led to replacement sampling and presumably sorted into selective respondents with higher interest in the mayor election even if those respondents cannot be characterized as generally liberal. We discuss possibilities and remaining problems for online election poll in the future. The fast increasing access to online device among older people is one of those possibilities whereas inability to define a population and consequent nonprobability sampling are problems.
[2015. 5 M. W. Macy] The Mesh of Civilizations in the Global Network of Digital Communication. PLoS ONE, 10(5): e0122543
Authors Bogdan State, Patrick Park, Ingmar Weber and Michael Macy
Abstract Conflicts fueled by popular religious mobilization have rekindled the controversy surrounding Samuel Huntington’s theory of changing international alignments in the Post-Cold War era. In The Clash of Civilizations, Huntington challenged Fukuyama’s “end of history” thesis that liberal democracy had emerged victorious out of Post-war ideological and economic rivalries. Based on a top-down analysis of the alignments of nation states, Huntington famously concluded that the axes of international geo-political conflicts had reverted to the ancient cultural divisions that had characterized most of human history. Until recently, however, the debate has had to rely more on polemics than empirical evidence. Moreover, Huntington made this prediction in 1993, before social media connected the world’s population. Do digital communications attenuate or echo the cultural, religious, and ethnic “fault lines” posited by Huntington prior to the global diffusion of social media? We revisit Huntington’s thesis using hundreds of millions of anonymized email and Twitter communications among tens of millions of worldwide users to map the global alignment of interpersonal relations. Contrary to the supposedly borderless world of cyberspace, a bottom-up analysis confirms the persistence of the eight culturally differentiated civilizations posited by Huntington, with the divisions corresponding to differences in language, religion, economic development, and spatial distance.
[2015. 4 Yong-Hak Kim] Semantic Network of Korean Pop Songs— Changing meaning Structure from 1960’s to 2000’s. Journal of Popular Narrative, 21(1): 145-171
Authors Yong-Hak Kim
Abstract Lyrics of popular songs convey the meanings and symbols that are important in that era because they are produced by the collective efforts of song writers, consumers, critics and distributors. This paper analyzes the semantic structure among keywords contained in popular song lyrics. Three hundred popular songs are compiled, one hundred each from 60’s, 80’s and 2000’s for social network analysis of keywords. Major findings are the following. 1) the most central keyword has always been ‘love’ regardless of the period the song was written. 2) During 60’s, natural phenomena such as rain, mist or lakes appeared frequently. Yet they disappear almost completely and replaced by English words like ‘nobody’ or ‘baby’ from 80’s. 3) The number of unique words increases rapidly over time and the mode of expressions became diverse. 4) The whole network structure changes from a radial type to a chain type indicating that the relative centrality of ‘love’ is weakened, although they the most important in each period. 5) Sentiments of longing for hometown disappears gradually, and scenes related with ‘drinking liquor’ become frequent.
[2015. 4 Kyu S. Hahn and Juyong Park] Quantifying Discrepancies in Opinion Spectra from Online and Offline Networks. PLoS ONE, 10(4): e0124722
Authors Deokjae Lee, Kyu S. Hahn, Soon-Hyung Yook , and Juyong Park
Abstract Online social media such as Twitter are widely used for mining public opinions and sentiments on various issues and topics. The sheer volume of the data generated and the eager adoption by the online-savvy public are helping to raise the profile of online media as a convenient source of news and public opinions on social and political issues as well. Due to the uncontrollable biases in the population who heavily use the media, however, it is often difficult to measure how accurately the online sphere reflects the offline world at large, undermining the usefulness of online media. One way of identifying and overcoming the online-offline discrepancies is to apply a common analytical and modeling framework to comparable data sets from online and offline sources and cross-analyzing the patterns found therein. In this paper we study the political spectra constructed from Twitter and from legislators’ voting records as an example to demonstrate the potential limits of online media as the source for accurate public opinion mining, and how to overcome the limits by using offline data simultaneously.
[2015. 3 Beomsoo Kim] The Architecture of New Media and Voting Effect: 2014 Seoul Mayor election online survey. East and West Studies, 27(1): 51-77
Authors Beomsoo Kim
Abstract One of the special features in the Internet era is the diversity of new media depending on the media platform. The contents and qualities of information communicated through Online News Services(ONS) and through Social Network Services(SNS) are different in various aspects. These differences in each media architecture bring about different political consequences. This study proposes that ONS mobilizes people to vote while SNS does not. To investigate the proposition, I testified the Seoul citizen sample(No.= 1,165) which was collected using the multi-quota(sex, age, residence) sampling method during the 2014 Seoul Mayor election campaign. The result shows that the more the citizens use ONS, the higher their willingness of voting is. On the other hand, SNS does not appear to be related to the voting willingness of users. The political implication of this result is that the Internet, particularly ONS, is a critical medium supporting a representative democratic system by boosting turnout, while the capabilities of SNS have not yet be verified. In order to make the Internet media contribute to the consolidation of a representative democracy, it is suggested to consider the reliability and objectivity of the information communicated via the media, in addition to the structure of communication networking.
[2015. 3 M. W. Macy] Why Do Liberals Drink Lattes?. American Journal of Sociology, 120(5): 1473-1511
Authors Daniel DellaPosta, Yongren Shi, and Michael Macy
Abstract Popular accounts of “lifestyle politics” and “culture wars” suggest that political and ideological divisions extend also to leisure activities, consumption, aesthetic taste, and personal morality. Drawing on a total of 22,572 pairwise correlations from the General Social Survey ð1972–2010Þ, the authors provide comprehensive empirical support for the anecdotal accounts. Moreover, most ideological differences in lifestyle cannot be explained by demographic covariates alone. The authors propose a surprisingly simple solution to the puzzle of lifestyle politics. Computational experiments show how the self-reinforcing dynamics of homophily and influence dramatically amplify even very small elective affinities between lifestyle and ideology, producing a stereotypical world of “latte liberals” and “bird-hunting conserva-tives” much like the one in which we live.
[2015. 2 Keun-Young Park] The Influence of New Media Consumption on Floating Voters:
An Example of 2014 Seoul Mayoral Election. SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH, 31(1): 29-55
Authors Keun-Young Park
Abstract This study focuses on the influences of media consumption on intra-election floating voters. Using the panel data of the 2014 Seoul mayoral election, it analyzes how the consumption of media, especially, new media such as the Internet and SNS, affects the number and the type of switches regarding individual voters’ favorite candidates. As a consequence, the following three have been found. First, controlling for political as well as socio-demographic variables, the average media consumption time and the amount of election information from it have a significant impact on the type and the frequency of the favorite candidate switches. Second, new media, rather than traditional ones, play more important roles in changing voters’mind. Finally, individual types of media, though they belong to the same ‘new media’ category, have differentiated influences on floating voters depending on their unique characteristics.
[2015. 2 Kyu S. Hahn] Fragmentation in the Twitter Following of News Outlets: The Representation of South Korean Users’ Ideological and Generational Cleavage. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly, 92: 56-76
Authors Kyu S. Hahn, Seungjin Ryu, and Sungjin Park
Abstract In recent years, Twitter emerged as an important news driver as most major news organizations now provide newsfeeds via Twitter. We classified 34 South Korean news outlets based on the pattern of co-following among 709,586 Twitter users. We also had a rare opportunity to match their following behavior with individual-level attributes by relying on supplementary survey data on 1,811 members of an online survey panel. Our results reveal that partisan and generational selectivity sharply polarizes news following on Twitter, suggesting that Twitter is likely to reinforce the existing political divisions in society by reducing the likelihood of chance encounters with the disagreeable views.
[2015. 1 Kyu S. Hahn] Can Televised Presidential Debates Do Their Job? Conditions for Candidate Engagement. Korean Journal of Broadcasting and Telecommunication Studies, 29(1): 216-245
Authors Seulgi Jang and Kyu S. Hahn
Abstract What are the necessary conditions for a presidential TV debate to fulfill its expected function of democracy? The presidential TV debate provides voters with a valuable opportunity to simultaneously compare presidential candidates simultaneously. Despite the usual post-debate hypes, many scholars have raised questions about their contribution to creating an informed citizenry. This study introduces the concept of ‘engagement,’ as a measure of the debate quality. Adopting a semantic network analysis framework, we explore the factors augmenting engagement between candidates. Our results show that the level of engagement is related to political polarization among the electorate, the nature of issues, the number of candidates in a debate, and the amount of allocated time for each topic. On the other hand, the format of a debate seemed to exert little influence in the level of engagement.
[2014. 12 SoYoung Lee] Party, Media, and Issue Preferences: Media Choice and Political Attitude in the 2014 Seoul Mayoral Election. 21st centry Political Science Review, 24(3): 217-245
Authors SoYoung Lee
Abstract This study deals with politically selective media exposure and its effects observed in the 2014 Seoul mayoral election. Using the survey data focusing on the media use of the voters of the Seoul mayoral election, this study discovers that Korean voters’ choice of the media channels to obtain campaign information is strongly selective and politically partisan. This selective exposure appears to have a significant influence on attitude polarization and biased issue preferences. In particular, liberal newspapers and SNS appear to operate as tools intensifying the polarization and biases of the supporters of the liberal party and its candidate by reinforcing their liberal positions, while the conservative media seem to have much smaller influence on the attitudes of the conservative party supporters. On the other hand, attitude polarization tends to decrease when the voters are exposed to the newspapers and SNS whose ideological orientation is different from their own. Based on these results, this study discusses the implication that selective media exposure brings to Korean society and suggests the need for in-depth research on the media environment bringing about the problems of severe selective exposure and attitude polarization in Korea.
[2014. 12 Juyong Park] Ranking Competitors Using Degree-Neturalized Random Walks. PLoS ONE, 9(12): e113685
Authors Seungkyu Shin, Sebastian E. Ahnert and Juyong Park
Abstract Competition is ubiquitous in many complex biological, social, and technological systems, playing an integral role in the evolutionary dynamics of the systems. It is often useful to determine the dominance hierarchy or the rankings of the components of the system that compete for survival and success based on the outcomes of the competitions between them. Here we propose a ranking method based on the random walk on the network representing the competitors as nodes and competitions as directed edges with asymmetric weights. We use the edge weights and node degrees to define the gradient on each edge that guides the random walker towards the weaker (or the stronger) node, which enables us to interpret the steady-state occupancy as the measure of the node’s weakness (or strength) that is free of unwarranted degree-induced bias. We apply our method to two real-world competition networks and explore the issues of ranking stabilization and prediction accuracy, finding that our method outperforms other methods including the baseline win–loss differential method in sparse networks.
[2014. 12 Jeong-han Kang] The Effect of Heterogeneous Social Capital on Participatory Interests and the Role of SNS: 2012 Korean General Social Survey. Journal of Cybercommunication Academic Society, 31(4): 141-188
Authors Joohyun Oh and Jeong-han Kang
Abstract We explore what are sufficient conditions for social capital to be effective on the societal level and if SNS can nurture those conditions in terms of people’s participatory interests in social integration. Among three forms of social capital we classify bonds as homogeneous social capital and bridges and linkages as heterogeneous ones, and particularly, focus on linkages which connect vertically heterogenous social stratifications and are hypothesized to improve people’s interests in social integrations. For empirical analysis, we used 2012 Korean General Social Survey (KGSS) and observed that SNS users showed greater heterogeneity in both bridges to other countries and linkages to diverse occupations. We also observed that more linkages to other occupations promoted higher interests both in civic engagement and in local community. Robustness tests on causality revealed that SNS usage did not causally promote heterogeneous social capital and we discuss how the role of SNS can be improved.
[2014. 8 Whasun Jho] Hegemonic Disputes and the Limits of the ASEAN Regional Forum. Pacific Focus, 29(2): 237–259
Authors Whasun Jho and Soo A Chae
Abstract The ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), although it has made significant progress providing confidence building mechanisms, remains inconsistent in moving towards a shared goal of collective defense arrangements and raises the issue of the ARF’s overall efficacy in the region. This paper analyzes the reasons for the inconsistent efficacy of the ARF in improving territorial conflicts. Based upon realists’ insights, this article analyzes how the role of the ARF in resolving the South China Sea disputes has changed periodically based on participation of the U.S. and China which exercise its expansionary or conservative interest goals in the region. This paper pays close attention to the way in which the U.S. and China’s national interests have changed chronologically and how these adopted strategies have affected their rival’s participation strategies and the ARF’s role. This paper argues that the ARF’s ability to resolve problems has fluctuated noticeably according to the changes in the nature and level of powerful states’ hegemonic interests.
[2014. 8 Juyong Park ] Bayesian Inference of Natural Rankings in Incomplete Competition Networks. Scientific Reports, 4:6212
Authors Juyong Park and Soon-Hyung Yook
Abstract Competition between a complex system’s constituents and a corresponding reward mechanism based on it have profound influence on the functioning, stability, and evolution of the system. But determining the dominance hierarchy or ranking among the constituent parts from the strongest to the weakest–essential in determining reward and penalty – is frequently an ambiguous task due to the incomplete (partially filled) nature of competition networks. Here we introduce the ‘‘Natural Ranking,’’ an unambiguous ranking method applicable to a round robin tournament, and formulate an analytical model based on the Bayesian formula for inferring the expected mean and error of the natural ranking of nodes from an incomplete network. We investigate its potential and uses in resolving important issues of ranking by applying it to real-world competition networks.
[2014. 7 M. W. Macy] Digital Footprints: Opportunities and Challenges for Online Social Research. Annual Review of Sociology, 40: 129-152
Authors Scott A. Golder and Michael W. Macy
Abstract Online interaction is now a regular part of daily life for a demographically diverse population of hundreds of millions of people worldwide. These interactions generate fine-grained time-stamped records of human behavior and social interaction at the level of individual events, yet are global in scale, allowing researchers to address fundamental questions about social identity, status, conflict, cooperation, collective action, and diffusion, both by using bservational data and by conducting in vivo field experiments. This unprecedented opportunity comes with a number of thodological challenges, including generalizing observations to the offline world, protecting individual privacy, and solving the logistical challenges posed by “big data” and web-based experiments. We review current advances in online social research and critically assess the theoretical and methodological opportunities and limitations.
[2014. 5 Jeong-han Kang] Estimates from Mobile Survey by Propensity Score Matching: Using Respondents’ Personality Traits. Survey research, 15(2): 71-103
Authors Jeong-han Kang, Yewon Kang and Jeong-jae Lim
Abstract This study aims to reduce estimation biases from mobile survey by employing propensity score matching based on respondents’ personality. Firstly, we selected 2009 and 2011 Korean General Social Surveys(KGSS) as reference data and then sampled mobile survey respondents by one-to-one matching to those of 2011 KGSS based on sociodemographic dimensions. Secondly, we chose subjective political orientation as an outcome variable for estimation whose mean values are statistically identical between the two years of KGSS but more conservative than that of mobile respondents. Thirdly, we performed propensity score matching by 10 items of personality in a consistent way with propensity score weighting and produced a comparable but better performance than that of weighting. Our conclusions are threefold: First, personality traits are stable enough to be a basis of propensity score. Second, combining pre-survey matching by sociodemographic traits and after-survey matching by the small number of items can provide a cost-effective way of bias correction by coping with impatient mobile respondents. Third, propensity score matching provides us with more intuitive tools than weighting to improve the validity of propensity score methods.
[2014. 3 Jeong-han Kang] The Effect of the Perceived Collective Efficacy on Online and Offline Delinquency. Korean criminological review, 97: 235-267
Authors Sun-hyoung Lee and Jeong-han Kang
Abstract This study contributes to the current research on adolescents’ delinquency by comparing online delinquency and offline delinquency. Unlike offline delinquency, online delinquency is likely committed alone and, therefore, offline social control may not work for online space. This study particularly focuses on collective efficacy that is highly regarded in the formation of adolescents’ morality and examines if it can work as social control for online delinquency. Collective Efficacy means a community-level capability of residents that can solve disorder and crime spontaneously through monitoring and paying attention for public good. This study identifies two major components of collective efficacy, i.e., mutual trust among residents and informal social control. It then estimates the effect of the perceived collective efficacy on various types of adolescents’ delinquency, using 5-year(2003-2007) panel data from National Youth Panel Survey. In conclusion, parental attachment shows a limited effect for offline delinquency only while teacher attachment is still a significant control factor for online delinquency. In terms of collective efficacy, mutual trust rather than informal social control functions for online delinquency. The effect of perceived mutual trust on online delinquency suggests the internalization of collective efficacy. Because offline delinquency is affected by social relations with teacher, parents, and delinquent friends, monitoring through intimate relationships is important to reduce it. In contrast, because teenagers are disembedded from those intimate relationships in online space, online delinquency is reduced by internalization of social control by building trust with community-neighbors.
[2013. 12 Yong-Hak Kim] The Empathic Civilization and Culture of Sharing. Korean NPO Review, 12(2): 29-56
Authors Yong-Hak Kim
Abstract This paper explores ways in which “culture of sharing” becomes common norms of our society. Charity and sharing could be found in almost all traditional agricultural societies. As capitalism encroached, moral economy of subsistence ethics in agricultural societies eroded along with charity. The recent discovery of Mirror Neurons in human brain by neurosciences can help us to restore charity by establishing identity of men; human beings share happiness and pains of others not by psychological mechanism but by biological connectivity of mirror neurons. Empathy, which has been the founding stone of moral sentiments and civilization, could be the foundation of charity. I argue that most innovative and successful charity models such as KIVA have common characteristic; they make a donator share the stories of a recipient and monitor the performance of recipient afterwards on a one to one basis on line. Network society provides infrastructure to promote culture of sharing.
[2013. 11 Whasun Jho] A Study on Opinion Mining of Newspaper Texts based on Topic Modeling. Journal of the Korean Library and Information Science Society, 47(4): 315-334
Authors Beomil Kang, Min Song and Whasun Jho
Abstract This study performs opinion mining of newspaper articles, based on topics extracted by topic modeling. We analyze the attitudes of the news media towards a major issue of “presidential election”, assuming that newspaper partisanship is a kind of opinion. We first extract topics from a large collection of newspaper texts, and examine how the topics are distributed over the entire dataset. The structure and content of each topic are then investigated by means of network analysis. Finally we track down the chronological distribution of the topics in each of the newspapers through time serial analysis. The result reveals that both the liberal newspapers and the conservative newspapers exhibit their own tendency to report in line with their adopted ideology. This confirms that we can count on opinion mining technique based on topics in order to analyze opinion in a reliable fashion.
[2013. 9 Yong-Hak Kim] Value Exchange in Marriage Market. Korea Journal of Population Studies, 36(3): 69~95
Authors Yong-Hak Kim and Ho Young Yoon
Abstract This study examines personal value exchange in marriage market. The data from marriage information ompany is used for this purpose. The purpose of our research is to reveal 1) personal attributes that are considered as important when people enter marriage market; 2) which personal attributes brings good feelings when people are dating; 3) whether those important factors increase the probability of marriage; and when couples are married, 4) whether systematic trends of homogamy or heterogamy is presented with relation to income, appearance, education, and region. Our analysis shows an asymmetry between male and female. While females want to marry male with high level income, males want to marry female with good appearance. However, the actual pattern of marriage shows that males fail to get their wants whereas females indeed marry males with higher level of income than the females. This result has led our final analysis of value exchange in marriage that has found the increase in income of husband is associated with the increases in female’s height and the level of appearance.
[2013. 9 KYU S. HAHN] Do Attitudes about Immigration Predict Willingness to Admit Individual Immigrants? A Cross-National Test of the Person-Positivity Bias. Public Opinion Quarterly, 77 (3): 641-665
Authors SHANTO IYENGAR, SIMON JACKMAN, SOLOMON MESSING, NICHOLAS VALENTINO, TORIL AALBERG, RAYMOND DUCH, KYU S. HAHN, STUART SOROKA, ALLISON HARELL and TETSURO KOBAYASHI
Abstract This paper demonstrates that citizens in seven advanced industrialized democracies generally oppose more open immigration policies, but stand ready to admit individual immigrants. Using an experimental design, we demonstrate the applicability of the “person-positivity bias” to immigration and investigate the effects of economic and cultural “deservingness” on evaluations of individual immigrants.